Long time, no blogging! Sorry for being out of the loop for the last couple of months; last semester was incredibly hectic. On the plus side, it's done now and I'm very happy with how all of it went. I promise I'll have something neat and original up soon.
In the meanwhile, I wanted to share a couple of pages of a paper I wrote for my independent study in deconstruction last semester. It took ages and a couple of rewritings in different places, but it got done through the blood, sweat, and tears and I'm mostly proud of how it turned out (mostly, because this paper treads very close to my moral and political philosophy and I felt like I was trying to justify to myself that I have a coherent system of ethics at times. That would have taken a
lot more pages. In a lot of cases it did and then got cut.)
Anyways, this chunk is the first subheader, entitled with a smile "A Theory of Power and Privilege, or, the Morality of Space Exploration." This is most of the theory chunk; it comes with a little primer on the logic of binary opposition and the way it manifests with regards to identity. Hope you find it interesting.
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A Theory of Power and Privilege, or, the Morality of Space Exploration
The deconstructive theory of power, and thus deconstruction’s ethics, is primarily based upon the logic of the binary opposition. There are two main components of a binary opposition: first, a categorical distinction is drawn between some concept and some other concept, differentiating them, and second the two terms of the opposition are placed into a hierarchy. So, one term of the binary is privileged at the expense of the other and assigned to a position of centrality; the other is sent to the margins. On surface, the construction makes the term placed at the center seem like more of a given in discourse and affords it a greater power to influence the boundaries and limits of thought. Yet deconstruction exposes the underlying structure of various oppositions as they exist in language by showing the way that the terms of the binary are mutually dependent upon one another for their positioning; the central term is as reliant upon the marginal term for its power as the marginal term is reliant upon the central term for its lack thereof. This gives a kind of foundational strength to the term on the margin, where it envelops the central term and destabilizes it. For instance, queer theorist Calvin Thomas notes this phenomenon occurring in the heterosexual / homosexual binary:
Homophobia... is the disavowal of this dependence on homosexuals, of the structuring necessity of this negation... For that reason, despite the structural constitutive roles that "femininity" and "blackness" play in constructions of "masculinity" and "whiteness," the role played by "queerness" in the construction of "straightness" is even more structural and constitutive; racism and sexism, that is, certainly help to "keep one" white and male but not in the same way or to the same extent that homophobia works to "keep one" straight.
In Thomas’ framing, heterosexuality, as the dominant term, turns into a continuous disavowal of homosexuality. The logic of this reconsideration is based on a variant of the “one-drop rule” or the concept of hypodescendency, which places any person of mixed socioeconomic or racial heritage into the lower category by default, which finds its most notable historical example in early 20
th Century racial integrity acts.
A single interruption in the disavowal is enough to cast someone into a lower and more marginal status, which has the curious effect of placing non-privileged racial, sexual, gender, class, and other categories into a simultaneous place of influence and non-influence: it is powerful in that the central term of the hierarchy defines itself with reference to the marginal category and oppressed in that such identities are, in Christian language, “fallen” or “impure” with regards to the privileged identity. That contradiction undermines the place of legitimacy that the central term in the binary was presumed to have. By blurring the division between central and marginal and changing the relationship that whiteness, maleness, cis-genderedness, heterosexuality, and other dominant identities have with the identities they marginalize, deconstruction offers a means by which the foundations of their privilege and consequently their social power rest.
The way that an understanding of binary oppositions and their deconstruction come into play in a political context is primarily through the place of relationships between identities in the social sphere, both spatially and temporally. Privileged terms and identities are not merely thought of as enjoying certain, listed benefits at the expense of other terms and identities, but as occupying a central space in society and in discourse through the exploitation of those on the margins. Deconstruction’s metaphor is visual, and that metaphor affects the way relationships of privilege are conceived. Take this passage from near the end of Judith Butler’s Gender Trouble:
What performance where will compel a reconsideration of the
place and stability of the masculine and the feminine? And what kind of gender performance will enact and reveal the performativity of gender itself in a way that destabilizes the naturalized categories of identity and desire?
(Italics Butler’s)
Note how the only word Butler italicizes in this passage, which comes before a rare line break in the book (one of a handful in the book that does not come before a block quotation or a titled section change), is the word
place. Masculinity and femininity are opposed, and their placement is where the two derive their relative power. Positioning in discourse is what enables the rest of the benefits that come along with centrality in the first place, because at that point both the categories and the benefits seem natural, as Butler says in the following sentence. That privilege can either be a matter of “space” in the conventional sense or it can be temporal. For instance, Roland Barthes wrote in a diary entry on May 28, 1978: “The truth about mourning is quite simple: now that maman is dead, I am faced with death (nothing any longer separates me from it except time.)”
Yet that temporal separation allowed him to write the other more than a hundred diary entries compiled in
Mourning Diary and the whole of
On Racine and
Camera Lucida. The space provided by time enabled Barthes to produce more discourse, and can thus be a means to repositioning and changes in power.
What this emphasis on space offers is twofold: first, a strong critique of the accusation that deconstruction does not accomplish positive ends, and second, a way to think about the dimensions within which deconstruction works. The focus on space shows deconstruction to be thoroughly contextual and bound by the spaces created by narratives, which is why it cannot offer an explicit prescription for a positive vision of the world on its own. However, those boundaries give deconstruction a space to work, both within and between the limits of thought in a given society. Deconstruction does not need to offer an explicit vision on its own because it can be creative insofar as it lays bare discursive boundaries and begins the process of dismantling them in the service of creating an open space of possibility to build new structures. Changing the location of terms, concepts, and identities in the discursive field does change the way people interact with each other and with their surroundings, and thus has a positive end regardless of whether or not the primary action taken by deconstructive re-reading and reinterpretation was expressly an act of creation. This is part of the reason why a number of the most well-known deconstructive analyses are very thoroughly textual; Of Grammatology devotes itself in very large part to a critique of Rousseau’s “Essay on the Origin of Languages” while Roland Barthes’ S/Z offers an argument on behalf of the death of the author via a more-than-two-hundred page reading of Balzac’s short story Sarrasine. Deconstruction recognizes, and accepts as a premise, its position operating in and around epistemic boundaries that already exist; this recognition both confirms deconstruction as thoroughly and unabashedly relativist and gives it a way to simultaneously critique and create.
Deconstruction’s claim to relativity goes even further. It does not merely place itself within a context of, to use Heideggerian language, thrownness-into-the-world, but rather argues that all metaphysics and philosophical systems are similarly thrown. This argument critiques absolutist ethical systems in the same move that it challenges logocentrism through an attack on the concept of the transcendental signified:
The logos of being, "Thought obeying the Voice of Being," is the first and the last resource of the sign, of the difference between signans and signatum. There has to be a transcendental signified for the difference between signifier and signified to be somewhere absolute and irreducible. It is not by chance that the thought of being, as the thought of this transcendental signified, is manifested above all in the voice: in a language of words [mots].
For there to be an absolute difference between signifier and signified, there must be a transcendental signified from which “meaning” can derive; likewise, absolutist ethical systems require an external law-giver or standard to justify their claims. In a religious context, that standard is usually God or gods; in modern secular moral philosophies, the standard can be anything from human rights to reason to “goodness,” defined any number of different ways. Once the transcendental signified is undermined, then the basis for an absolute standard is undermined along with it. This does not mean that a morality cannot be cogently constructed or that amorality is the only ethical possibility, or that there is no room to criticize ethical systems, but rather that moralities have to follow and interact with social conditions as they are and express themselves within a context and history. There is no neutral ground, no outside-of-culture, and the restrictions of history, culture, and tradition can and should be recognized before the possibility of attacking them becomes meaningful.
In a way, the ethics of deconstruction allow meta-valuation to become part of a framework of valuation; that is, not even systems of ethics are above critique and above radical reinterpretation and modification. Just like the judgments they shore up, these systems are social constructs, and by being constructs they come along with their own set of biases, ideologies, and presumptions that help and hurt different sets of people. That is why the naturalization of ethical guidelines has such pervasive consequences: by becoming ingrained into a culture’s thought, they limit not only what may acceptably be said, written, or done but also what is even conceivable to think, write, or do. Within that framework even a mere skepticism towards the stability of those boundaries and presumptions can constitute an attack on the power they wield and express:
This text continues, then, as an effort to think through the possibility of subverting and displacing those naturalized and reified notions of gender that support masculine hegemony and heterosexist power, to make gender trouble, not through the strategies that figure a utopian beyond, but through the mobilization, subversive confusion, and proliferation of precisely those constitutive categories that seek to keep gender in its place by posturing as the foundational illusions of identity.
Thus, deconstruction can never fully align itself with the center or with power; it can only be construed as a fighting-against. This fact means that it can never settle with the state of the world as it is and that it must always “subvert” or “transgress.” But it also confirms that deconstruction perpetually allies itself with those on the margins and with the powerless, because in context, any assault upon the structures and narratives that support oppression can be construed as solidarity with them in some capacity. The pattern of overthrowing and redefining categories, especially the categories of “human,” “citizen,” “property,” and the like during civil rights struggles in the United States and elsewhere, has gradually led to improving conditions for non-privileged communities: for example, both women and people of color have gained suffrage, African-American communities have won emancipation from slavery, women gained the right to no-fault divorce, unions fought for and earned better working conditions, and LGBTQ people have access to a bevy of rights and growing clout of social acceptability that did not exist even three decades ago. This may perhaps be part of the logic behind Derrida’s entitling the book of essays that contains “DiffĂ©rance” and “White Mythology” as he does – Margins of Philosophy. Deconstruction is at once marginal philosophy, the margin of philosophy, and a philosophy for the margins, and through its alliance with the margins, it takes upon itself an ethical mantle. It understands the logic of binary oppositions, especially the creation of hierarchies within them. It recognizes its own place and functions within a context, a place, and a history and seeks to thoroughly critique dominant structures and narratives. By critiquing those narratives, it undermines the sites and bases of power within societies, blurs the relationship between center and margins, and creates a new space of possibility for those exploited by privilege to be liberated from their epistemic oppression and begin to redefine the terms upon which society operates.